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abstentionfrompolitics.Thispoliticizationhaditslimits,
however.Themostvisibledrivingforcebehindearly
protests,theprecarious“creative”middleclassofbig
cities,thedefenseofliberties,wasinfactsometimes
defendingitsfreeaccesstointernational(“Western”)
consumergoods,includingculturalconsumergoods,and
theroleofintellectualelitesinahierarchicalnon-
democraticsociety(theruleofthe1%ratherthan99%).
Thepoliticalagendaoftheoppositionwasextremely
heterogeneous.Whileleftistsadvancedsocialclaims
offreeeducationandhealthcare,aswellassolidarity
withmigrantworkers,theliberalmainstreamofthe
movementtendedtointerpretcivilrightsasreferring
strictlytorightsassociatedwithfreetraveltothe
EuropeanUnion,callingforthestrictclosureofborders
withformerSovietrepublicsofAsia.
Whatrolecancontemporaryarthaveortake
insuchamultilayeredcontext?DuringtheSovietperiod,
contemporaryartwasundergroundandtherefore
“unofficial,”unknownormisunderstoodbythepublic.
Bycontrast,inthe90s,ittentativelyformedbondswith
self-proclaimedelites,theultra-rich,andwillingly
orunwillinglylegitimizedtheirexclusivestatus.During
the2000s,initsdepoliticizedform,contemporaryart
acquiredanewroleinmiddle-classrecreationand
an“effective”toolofcapitalistbrainwashing.Already
anallyofviolentneoliberaltransformation,andwell
establishedasastatussymbol,contemporaryarthad
totakeuparoleasthedemarcatorbetweenthe
educatedfewandthenon-initiatedmasses.
Againstthisverybackground,inthemid-2000s,
anewgenerationofartists,curators,andart
theoreticiansemerged.Theysawthemselves
inoppositiontothedominantpoliticalandaesthetic
orders,andstoodbehindsomeofthemostvisibleevents
ofpoliticalprotest,includingOccupyAbayinMoscow,the
OpenUniversity,actionsofsolidaritywithworkers
inKazakhstanandRussia,anti-capitalist,anti-nationalist
andanti-fascistdemonstrations,andmanyothers.Art